The Mahabharata of 2019 – Part 3


Narendra Modi & Amit Shah’s misreading of the 2014 verdict has brought us to this pass


(The Rajasthan, MP, and Chateesgarh assembly results have been a traumatic experience for most of us who are concerned about the state of our nation. And I’m talking about the lay citizenry, people like me, and not of seasoned political workers. It took some time to ward off the blues and return to near-normalcy. The spectre of the return of Congress in 2019 elections continues to haunt me. Here are my heartfelt views.) 


Modi was extolled as the Lion of Gujarat by his supporters in 2014 campaign. At the same time his opponents won’t tire of deriding him as the butcher of Gujarat.


The deeply networked Christian, Islamist, left- liberal lobby, and all other ‘breaking-India’ forces, including the media, worked really hard to stop his ascendance to power.

He himself was not sure if he would succeed. His nervousness was too obvious in his measured lacklustre campaign speeches at the election rallies in West Bengal and Orissa where he would refrain from attacking Mamata Banerjee and Naveen Patnaik. He expected them to give him a helping hand in case he fell short of majority. So, he would repeat the rehearsed rhetoric of ‘dono haanth ladoo’ in his rallies until one day in an Orissa rally his supporters forced him to change his tune and demanded that he spoke against Naveen Patnaik’s misrule.

Narendra Modi and his loyal lieutenant Amit Shah were definitely surprised by the verdict of 2014. I was not. I had seen and written what was happening on ground while touring Uttar Pradesh. I had spent my own money on my travels. I just wanted to go out and speak with people since I found BJP and RSS had not yet created a credible network of people like me, the UNORGANISED Hindu nationalists, to work in tandem with their machinery.


Modi opponents hope to thwart him through money power and caste arithmetic but they are in for a shock


Sarai Mohana, Varanasi, experience

Modi tries to unite Indian polity in the Hindi heartland; his opponents work hard at dividing it.


I had taken to social-media in a big way and tried my best to spread the message, working constantly, responding to every negative and anti-Modi FB and Twitter post cohesively, cogently, and aggressively. For me it was the last battle for Hindus that must be won at any cost. My friends in the film industry presumed I knew BJP leaders and was part of the organisation. That was not true. Of course I had known quite a few BJP leaders in my student days, all at the top rung now, but I was not in touch with any of them.

2014 was won because of the collective will of Hindus and nationalists who looked forward to a decisive leader who could end the politics of appeasement and take on the corrupt and self-serving Lutyen’s zone establishment with aplomb. It overrode caste, clan, language, and ethnic fissures of Hindu body politic. ‘Development’ narrative was but a component of this victory.

However, Narendra Modi and Amit Shah, both presumed that it was a victory of ‘Modi Charisma’ and began to build their expensive campaigns around it. That’s where they lost the plot. They didn’t realise that ‘Modi Charisma’ is not a product of what Narendra Modi says or does and how he looks. It gets created when what Modi says and does corresponds with the collective will of nationalists and Hindus. He has to be the voice of people and not vice versa. And for that BJP and Narendra Modi must have a credible feedback mechanism in place. They must listen to people and then act accordingly.


2014 victory had three key components: Hindu polarisation, craving for a decisive leadership & development. I will dwell on the first component for now.  


Contrary to what secularists believe, the polarisation of Hindus was not effected by Modi’s rhetoric and BJP’s political stratagems. It was a spontaneous response to what was happening on ground in the states ruled by non-BJP political dispensations. Modi and BJP just rode that wave. The politics of blatant appeasement had strengthened the Islamists and abandoning their ‘taqiyya’ strategy they came out of the ‘crypt’ and began to assert themselves politically and socially. People could see the clear and present danger nearer home in their ‘gali-muhallas’.


The intense hatred of Muslims and Christians towards Narendra Modi turned him into a ‘natural’ saviour and icon of Hindus who were humiliated on daily basis by organised and networked gangs of Islamist goons on one hand and evangelists on another. Someone was needed to contain them with an iron hand. Who could do it if not the ‘Lion of Gujarat’?  


The part mandate of 2014 was for containing the Islamists and evangelists. The slogan was ‘Appeasement of None, Development of All.’ Constrained by ‘presumptive’ global pressures from evangelists, leftists, and Islamists, Narendra Modi soft-peddled it and ceaselessly harped on ‘Sab Ka Saath; Sab Ka Vikaas’, and consciously tried to steer clear of the image of a hard-core ‘Hindu Nationalists’ who were portrayed by ‘left-liberal’ brigade as rabid obscurantists.   


He became over-conscious to the extent he stopped having a dialogue with Hindus. Quite often, prodded by the left-liberal media, he would issue politically correct statements, condemning Hindu groups like ‘gau rakashaks’. This was complete betrayal of the trust of the electorate that catapulted him to the top.


Modi and Shah abandoned the most vocal and enthusiastic of Modi supporters, the incessant Modi chanters who generated the frenzy that overrode caste and clan divisions among Hindus. These self-motivated frontline Hindutva warriors had played a key role in 2014 victory. They presumed that Modi would keep Islamists at bay. They even delivered BJP a stunning victory in a state like Bihar.


They didn’t expect Modi and Shah to defend the indefensible yet they wanted them to stand up for the concerns close to them. Can you imagine that a leader who condemned ‘pink revolution’ in his election speeches has not spoken even once about rampant cattle theft and smuggling, and illegal slaughterhouses in the four and half years of his tenure. Not a word.


NaMo spoke about appeasement of none and justice for all. However, BJP governments in states and in Delhi continued to pursue old policies, the Ministry of Minority affairs became still more active. The blaring of Ajaan from mosques got still shriller and the network of Islamists and ‘Bharat Tere Tukade Honge’ gang got still more emboldened and lethal. 

Something more happened. Christians, Islamists, the Congress and the left liberal lobby actively and blatantly pursued the politics of dividing Hindus on caste and clan lines and Modi and Shah and various BJP governments watched it helplessly without evolving a cohesive and smart strategy to deal with it and counter the obvious subterfuge. They failed to identify the kingpins of Dalit, Patel, Jat, Gujar, and Maratha protests and proactively neutralise them politically and through policy measures so as to to keep the Hindu body politic united, which is the foremost prerequisite if they have to retain power.

They didn’t care to have a dialogue with their core voters, traders and upper caste, who were seriously affected by the policy initiatives of the government. Even today after the debacle in MP, Rajasthan and Chateesgarh, we don’t see that happening. It’s always one-way communication in BJP organisation, from top to bottom. Instead of using ‘booth workers’ and ‘panna pramukhs’ as a grass-roots feedback pipeline, Amit Shah uses them as herders who will deliver captive voters to polling booths.

Even they don’t care. What do they get out of their dedication and devotion? Nothing. They cannot even help those who they seek votes from. I stay in a Mumbai suburb and have voted in three key elections in the past 5 years. I have yet to see the face of a BJP ‘booth worker’ or ‘panna pramukh’.    

Just a while ago I watched NaMo talking to his ‘booth-level’ workers, the so-called ‘panna-pramukhs’, in Kerala. He was obviously reading from a teleprompter and recounting what his government had done for the people. He advised his workers to follow Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s advice. They should have one foot in rail and another in jail.


I don’t recall Narendra Modi ever having done this in his political career. He takes pride in the fact that there was never an FIR against him. So, we know how much he loved to be in jail. Even I, as a student of class 12th, had an FIR against me in 1973 for leading a student movement. The case went on trial during the Emergency years. Vajpayee never went to jail in independent India, except during Emergency. Moreover, ‘Ek Paanv Jail Mein, Ek Paanv Rail Mein’ was a necessity for political workers when Jan Sangh and BJP were not in power in Delhi.


What Maharshi NaMo is pontificating is a very Christian idea. Suffering in perpetuity is the lot of BJP and RSS workers. It’s the key to their ‘Moksha’, salvation. Only leaders at the top have the privilege of staying squeaky clean without FIRs against them. He probably believes that Hindus are also born to suffer, and to be subjugated, humiliated, and killed, just like the BJP workers of Kerala.


Rajesh Kumar Singh


The Mahabharata of 2019 - 1

The Axis (of the Crooked) and its war strategy to defeat Narendra Modi


The Mahabharata of 2019 – 2

Responding to the Axis (of the Crooked)

@khulkebolo @neelnabh